William F. Buckley

[Scraps]

And you know this how?

Dude, you're a puss, plain and simple. You're a terrorist supporting, America hating racist.

 

Yeah, I'm real scared there, tough guy. 

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I know it because of your hypocritical chickenhawk nature. You're all talk but won't back it up by volunteering to serve this country.

 

As for your predictable petty name calling, I'm at peace with myself. I've done far more for this country and its defense than you ever have or ever will. I've actually done more for Israel's defense than you ever have or ever will.

 

BTW, I'm not the one talking tough here, you are. I just know you would never back it up.

[IBTG81]

Link?

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It's called the search button.

if you think I'm going back to look at all of his posts, you're on crack.

[Crap Throwing Monkey]

I know it because of your hypocritical chickenhawk nature.  You're all talk but won't back it up by volunteering to serve this country.

 

As for your predictable petty name calling, I'm at peace with myself.  I've done far more for this country and its defense than you ever have or ever will.  I've actually done more for Israel's defense than you ever have or ever will.

 

BTW, I'm not the one talking tough here, you are.  I just know you would never back it up.

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I'm just guessing...but I'll bet the response you get to this is: "You're an anti-semetic, racist, anti-American terrorist."

[IBTG81]

I'm just guessing...but I'll bet the response you get to this is: "You're an anti-semetic, racist, anti-American terrorist."

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Pretty much!

[Crap Throwing Monkey]

It's called the search button.

if you think I'm going back to look at all of his posts, you're on crack.

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If you think you can call someone a racist and terrorist without providing supporting evidence, you're on a better brand of crack than I. You made the statement, Ed. Not me.

 

So again...link?

[KRC]

I'm just guessing...but I'll bet the response you get to this is: "You're an anti-semetic, racist, anti-American terrorist."

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So, is that a proactive or reactive response on your part?

[IBTG81]

If you think you can call someone a racist and terrorist without providing supporting evidence, you're on a better brand of crack than I.  You made the statement, Ed.  Not me.

 

So again...link?

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I tried to do a post search, and it only goes back to the beginning of January...

[YellowLinesandArmadillos]

And you know this how?

Dude, you're a puss, plain and simple. You're a terrorist supporting, America hating racist.

 

Yeah, I'm real scared there, tough guy. 

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There is a bad Monty Python skit going on here somewhere...that one about an arguement, but one of you guys already asked the other out, so why?...never mind.

 

I liked Ghost's link better.

[Crap Throwing Monkey]

So, is that a proactive or reactive response on your part?

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It's instinctive...so I'm not sure...

[X. Benedict]

It's instinctive...so I'm not sure...

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I think it is instinctive proactive interference... but I'm not sure either.

[Crap Throwing Monkey]

I think it is instinctive proactive interference... but I'm not sure either.

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Isn't "instinctive proactive" redundant? I thought reacting on instinct was proactive to begin with?

 

Man, this sh--'s more confusing than discussing shovels with VABills.

[KRC]

Read Ken's post, it's pretty accurate. Of course, he's only obtaining an aditional graduate degree in Security and Intelligence studies with a special concentration on North Korea, so what does HE know. Not like he has read about it, or anything.

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Excerpts from my book plus a few observations:

 

During the mid to late 1950’s, the Soviets trained scientists from communist governments in nuclear technologies. North Korea was one country that took advantage of this training. In 1956, the Soviets and North Koreans signed an agreement to advance North Korea’s nuclear capabilities, albeit for only peaceful purposes. By the mid-1960s, the Soviets helped Pyongyang build a five-megawatt nuclear research facility and reactor at Yongbyon. By the 1970’s, Pyongyang agreed to place the reactor under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards.

 

Beginning around 1975, the Chinese government started working with the North Koreans to develop nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. It is alleged that the program was never completed, but the DPRK gained valuable experience in missile design from this project. By 1980, the North Koreans purchased Soviet Scud missiles from Egypt. The Chinese assisted the DPRK in refining the design of the Scud and the North Koreans sold this new missile to Iran.

 

Starting in the 1980’s, the North Koreans began building additional reactors. The DPRK stated that they were to be used for electricity, but intelligence indicated that the plants were not connected to the electric grid. Couple that with the fact that intelligence also indicated that plutonium-reprocessing plants were built adjacent to the reactors. This is a clear indicator that the North Koreans were working on a nuclear weapons program.

 

By the end of the 1980’s, the North Koreans had started building the Nodong series of missiles. By 1994, U.S. intelligence discovered that the North Koreans had started working on a multi-stage missile and had made significant progress. This new design was based on the Chinese CSS-2 and evolved into the North Korean Taepodong-2.

 

In December of 1985, North Korea went to the Soviets to ask for continuing aid. Moscow was concerned with the potential for the DPRK to develop nuclear weapons and forced North Korea to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This would force the Pyongyang to submit to IAEA inspections of their nuclear reactors.

 

By 1990, news reports indicated that North Korea had the capability to separate plutonium from nuclear fuel. Throughout the 1990s, there were reports that North Korea has reprocessed enough plutonium for one or two nuclear weapons. The total amount of plutonium reprocessed is up for debate. Some foreign intelligence agencies have estimated that North Korea has reprocessed anywhere between 6 and 24 kilograms of plutonium. It is estimated that North Korea would need between 4 and 8 kilograms to make a single nuclear weapon. Therefore, if the estimates are correct, North Korea could possess between one and six nuclear weapons.

 

By the mid to late 1990s, evidence suggests a connection between North Korea and Pakistan regarding uranium enrichment technology transfers where Pakistan sent centrifuges and designs to North Korea in exchange for ballistic missiles. U.S. intelligence suspects that by this time, there were three suspected uranium enrichment facilities: the Academy of Sciences near Pyongyang, Hagap and Yehong-dong.

 

In 1991, a joint declaration created the North-South Joint Nuclear Control Commission (JNCC), which was tasked to monitor the cessation of manufacturing, testing and deployment of nuclear weapons along with forbidding the reprocessing and enrichment of nuclear materials. This commission never really got off the ground due to complications on reaching agreements on inspections. In the summer of 1991, it is alleged that North Korean officials were in Libya to discuss the sale of Nodong missile technology.

 

In late 1992, Bush I was the first President to have high-level discussions with North Korea since the Korean War Armistice. In June 1993, North Korea announced that they were withdrawing from the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Negotiations continued for 16 months until the 1994 Agreed Framework was signed. Of course, Clinton had nothing to do with the Agreed Framework. Talks were continuing to break down. When things looked like they could not get any worse, Jimmy Carter went over to North Korea (on his own, mind you, not as a member of the Clinton Administration) to work on the situation. Carter is the one who came up with the Agreed Framework, not Clinton. Now, how bad are things when Jimmy Carter says, “Your foreign policy is so screwed up that I need to bail you out”?

 

During the Senatorial process to approve the Agreed Framework, Senator Larry Pressler pressed Ambassador Robert Gallucci on the fact that the Agreed Framework did not properly address cheating on the part of North Korea. Gallucci stated that he thought the agreement will still allow IAEA inspections, but Pressler felt that the inspections were inadequate (he was right).

 

Clinton was proud of the Agreed Framework, stating, “This agreement will help achieve a long standing and vital American objective, an end to the threat of nuclear proliferation on the Korean Peninsula.” During his re-election bid, Clinton commented, “In the last four years, we have frozen North Korea’s nuclear weapons program.” Secretary of State Madeleine Albright agreed, “the Agreed Framework that we worked out in ’94, we were able to freeze their fissile [nuclear] material programs.”

 

The Agreed Framework was signed and North Korea ignored it. By 1998, tensions rose again. Why not? They knew that all they needed to do was talk tough and the U.S. would bribe them to keep quiet. On August 31, 1998, North Korea fired a multistage over Japan and into the Pacific Ocean, proving it can strike any part of Japan's territory. As if on queue, on September 10, 1998, Clinton used his executive authority to circumvent congressional opposition to the 1994 Agreed Framework by shifting $15 million to fund the purchase of 150,000 tons of heavy-fuel oil for North Korea. On September 25, 1998, in his U.N. speech, South Korean Foreign Affairs and Trade Minister Hong Soon Young called on the global community to make a concerted effort to deter North Korea from developing, testing, and exporting missiles. He also released a joint press statement with Japanese Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura and U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright condemning North Korea's missile launch, but reaffirming support for the 1994 Agreed Framework. A week later, the U.S. re-opened missile talks with North Korean representatives in New York, with no substantial progress being made. State Department spokesman James Rubin said that if North Korea continued missile production, deployment and flight tests as well as the export of missile technology, it would be highly destabilizing and would have very serious negative consequences. Throughout this whole ordeal,

 

In the beginning of 1999 (February), CIA director George Tenet says that North Korea is developing a new generation of missiles that could deliver larger payloads to the continental United States. Within a week, the Korean Central News Agency announced that North Korea "will never give up" its "sovereign right" to build and launch missiles. At the close of the fourth round of US-North Korean missile talks (March, 1999), U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Robert Einhorn announced that North Korea had offered to suspend its missile exports in exchange for cash compensation from the United States. Einhorn said that the North Korean proposal is unacceptable, but that the United States had offered to lift economic sanctions on North Korea in successive stages if North Korea pledged to cooperate on missile issues. Einhorn also warned North Korea that another missile launch will have negative consequences. South Korean Minister of Unification Kan In-duk tells the South Korean national assembly that North Korea is demanding $500 million in annual compensation to stop missile exports.

 

In May, 1999, U.S. policy coordinator for North Korea William Perry visited North Korea and proposed a package deal from the United States, Japan, and South Korea to end economic sanctions, provide economic assistance, and establish diplomatic relations with North Korea in exchange for an end to North Korea's missile and nuclear programs. A month later, India detains the North Korean ship Ku Wol San at Kandla. Indian officials discover 148 crates containing machinery, blueprints, and parts for developing and building ballistic missiles. It is believed that the cargo's destination is Pakistan.

 

In December, a U.S.-led consortium signs a $4.6 billion contract for two safer, Western-developed light-water nuclear reactors in North Korea. The U.S. drags their feet and North Korea again threatened to restart its nuclear program if the U.S. doesn't compensate for the loss of electricity caused by delays in building nuclear power plants.

 

In July of 2001, the State Department reported that North Korea was going ahead with development of its long-range missile. A Bush administration official says North Korea conducted an engine test of the Taepodong-1 missile. By December, Bush warned Iraq and North Korea that they would be "held accountable" if they developed weapons of mass destruction "that will be used to terrorize nations."

 

2002 went like this:

Jan. 29: Bush labels North Korea, Iran and Iraq an "axis of evil" in his State of the Union address. "By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger," he says.

Oct. 4: A visiting U.S. delegation said North Korean officials revealed that the country had a second covert nuclear weapons program in violation of the 1994 agreement -- a program using enriched uranium.

Oct. 16: U.S. officials said they have discovered evidence of a nuclear weapons program in North Korea.

Oct. 26: Bush, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and South Korean President Kim Dae-jung met at an Asian-Pacific regional summit in Mexico and agree to seek a peaceful end to the North's nuclear problem.

Nov. 11: The United States, Japan and South Korea halt oil supplies to North Korea promised under the 1994 deal.

Dec. 12: North Korea reactivated nuclear facilities at Yongbyon that were frozen under the 1994 deal with the United States.

Dec. 13: North Korea asked the U.N. nuclear watchdog to remove monitoring seals and cameras from its nuclear facilities.

Dec. 14: The U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency urged North Korea to retract its decision to reactivate its nuclear facilities and abide by its obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

Dec. 21: North Korea removed monitoring seals and cameras from its nuclear facilities.

 

Now, let’s see if he was serious about discussing this issue or if this was yet another attempt to avoid rational discussion.